Israeli Society Divided
By Yarden Morad
During the push for judicial reform legislation over twelve weeks, many commentators and observers have mentioned that a larger divide in Israeli society is now apparent. After all, the judicial revolution is just the means to implement the desired policy goals of the right. In other words, the reform is only the beginning in an effort to change the nation.
Israel is changing demographically and socially. During its first 29 years, the Labor party, which is made mostly of secular eastern European Jews, ruled continuously. The 1977 “מהפך” (Revolution), when the Likud party led by Menachem Begin first rose to power, signaled a turning point — a politician that most Sephardi Jews voted for had been finally elected. In the twenty years following, there was a close battle between the right and left, with Ultra-Orthodox parties serving as tie-breakers. However, the Palestinian violence of the early 2000s brought demise to the Israeli left and the Israeli Labor party. Since then, a big new center has emerged. This center is very secular, more so than the founding generation of Israel, and more liberal on social issues as well. Meanwhile, current Prime Minister and Likud leader Benjamin Netanyahu has formed a close alliance with the Ultra-Orthodox parties and turned them into a fundamental part in any right wing coalition. During the Netanyahu years, and especially since the 2015 election, concerns about the stability of state institutions have dominated center-left politics.
In the aftermath of these changes, the divide between the secular center-left and the religious right now defines Israeli politics, as well as concern over democratic institutions. The Palestinian issue is dead in both camps. Shortly after Netanyahu emerged victorious in the November 2022 election, his coalition decided to pursue a far-reaching judicial overhaul that would give near absolute power to the executive branch. As center-left voters considered these proposals, they worried they would be disastrous not just in terms of democratic norms, but for their own well-being. As the Ultra-Orthodox populations become a bigger and bigger part of Israeli society, secular voters understand that governments that include this growing minority will directly hurt their economic interests. The labor force participation rate and productivity is very low among the Ultra-Orthodox. The Ultra-Orthodox also pay a very low tax rate because of Israel’s progressive tax system, and are often given a large amount of government subsidies. In short, a center-left voter sees the possibility of another problem hurting the already dire state of affairs between seculars and the Ultra-Orthodox. This scenario may be one bridge too far, a breach of an unwritten social contract between the groups.
The divide between secular and religious Zionists is getting worse as well. Over the years, many center-left voters have assented silently to the expansion of the settlement enterprise by Israeli governments, believing that society can keep functioning while having these disagreements. Now, when far-right lawmakers are at the forefront of the judicial overhaul, center-left voters fear a similar breach of the social contract. The chairman of the Constitution, Law and Justice committee, Simcha Rothman, is the face of the judicial overhaul. Footage from the committee often reaches the evening news broadcasts of Israeli television. Many lawmakers and journalists have pointed out Rothman’s aggressive style in managing the committee, and his determination to pass the far reaching changes.
These two dividing lines are mentioned frequently in the public debate. They are also behind a new demand by many on the center-left: a constitution that will enshrine human rights. This demand will likely bring the current negotiations to a close without any broad compromise — a reality without compromise will be a very dark one for Israel.
