The ultra-Orthodox Community & the Rest of Israel — A Breakdown
By Benjamin Meppen
Neighborhoods like Mea Shearim in Jerusalem epitomize the traditional way of life that still exists in Israel today. Ultra-Orthodox families pack Mea Shearim cobblestone streets everyday, living a more devoutly religious life than just about anybody else on earth.
Since Israel’s inception some sects of ultra-Orthodox Jews have been granted special permission not to serve in the IDF, instead being allowed to devote their days and nights to studying Torah in Yeshivas and Kollels (teenage and adult Torah seminaries).
The ultra-Orthodox community in Israel (that is growing by the hour, it seems) operates on rules and regulations that largely preclude them from participating in the outside world. Outside the walls of their shuls, markets, and homes, they seem to lead a starkly different existence than many in industrialized nations in the age of modern technology. You will never see them watching television, swimming at the beach or partying in Tel Aviv. They won’t be caught wearing basketball shorts, going on their iPads, or even in some cases holding a job.
According to a 2021 Reuters article, “Only about 50% of ultra-Orthodox men work…the other half study religious texts in seminaries, and the Bank of Israel and economic leaders have warned of long-term strains on the budget if they are not integrated into the workforce.” This article essentially says that during former (and future) Prime Minister Netanyahu’s 12 year rule from 2009 to 2021, the ultra-Orthodox have been protected by their spot in his coalition, keeping them from having to enter the workforce. With a new Netanyahu administration looming in the near future, this long story trend will likely continue.
Netanyahu has always been a main player in the conflict that has started to form between Israel’s ultra-Orthodox community and the rest of the country. A divide between the new world and the old. The secular vs. the religious. And in some cases the religious vs. the very religious.
This issue is much greater than Israel’s economy and her workforce, it is an issue of modernization. Israel is a country that is progressing socially and economically each year, and roughly 12.6% of its population lives in a world that predates cell phones and television. It has been an ongoing conversation in Israel that has yet to be met with a solution: How can Israel integrate the ultra-Orthodox community into the economy and military in a way that does not at all impede on their strict religious observance?
For the Israeli government, this problem is largely a question of who is in power. While Netanyahu was at the helm, the ultra-Orthodox Shas and UTJ (United Torah Judaism) parties staunchly supported Netanyahu in return for his pledge to protect their communities from the requirements of having to work in a job outside of studying Torah. The ultra-Orthodox community has strong ties with the once and future PM Netanyahu. After a brief stint of the Bennett and Lapid administrations, Bibi is back and the connections between the orthodox population and the incoming Netanyahu administration seem to be as strong as ever.
Since a dominant coalition has been formed UTJ/Shas parties, with the Shas party winning 11 seats and the UTJ winning 7 seats in the November 2022 election, it is unlikely that there will be legislation introduced to try to modernize the Hasidic community and require them to participate in the rituals and practices (taxes, military service, jobs outside of Torah study) that all other Israeli citizens are subject to.
Even with more secular politicians like current PM (as of the time of this writing) Yair Lapid in power, there are still talks with the Haredi community to help allow them a voice in the Knesset, especially when the legislation deals with their community specifically. In March of this year, PM Lapid’s office held a “secret meeting,” according to the Jerusalem Post, with the Gur Hasidim sect as they attempted to get aid in scrapping a bill they saw as Anti-Charedi. The JP reported that “the talks focused on the scrapping of the kosher phones reform led by Communications Minister Yoaz Hendel. Hendel sought to reform what has been described as a monopoly of a rabbinic committee over the haredi kosher cellphone market.” As important and widespread the issues of the “Kosher Cell Phone” market are, this is clear evidence of the work of PM Lapid to work with the orthodox parties in the Knesset and make nice with them ahead of yet another Israeli election.
The ultra-Orthodox community in the Jewish homeland has long had battles with the Israeli government over their standing in the country’s economy, military, and community at large. There are no clear solutions here as their strict observance often puts them at odds with the practices and norms of everyday secular life. Although Israel is the one and only Jewish homeland, it sometimes has struggles accommodating those who observe God to the highest extent, primarily because of the community’s large size and oftentimes insular attitudes. Whether it is an attempt to require Haredi men to serve in the IDF (Israeli Defense Forces) or require them to work a certain amount of hours each week, no member of the Knesset has put forward any suggestion or legislation that would solve this ongoing problem in Israel. Here’s to hoping that Israel can create a situation where both the Charedi community and secular community at large feel valued and as though they are working with each other, not against each other.
It is one thing to be observant and live the lifestyle that your father and his father before him lived. It is one thing to abstain from modern technology and goods in an effort to serve the Almighty to the highest extent. It is a whole other issue to segregate yourself from your country and from its economy simply on the basis of observance.
